Détente (15 Words To Rule The World! Book 3)

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Brezhnev issued a warning against ''outside interference, especially military interference'' by the United States. At about the same time, he cemented Moscow's ties with the new pro-Soviet regime in Afghanistan by signing a year treaty of friendship and cooperation, binding the two countries to close economic and military links. In the Horn of Africa, the power balance was reversed as Ethiopia, once a client of the United States, shifted to the Soviet camp, while Somalia, once close to Moscow, effected a rapprochement with Washington.

Which Socialism, Whose Détente?

Invasion of Czechoslovakia. There was also an adversary conflict over India. In Central America, the Reagan Administration charged that the Soviet Union, through its Cuban allies, was trying to expand Communist influence in Nicaragua under the Sandinist regime that came to power in , and by supporting the leftist guerrilla movement in El Salvador. In Europe, on the other hand, the superpowers were less at daggersdrawn. One evidence of this was the change in Western attitudes toward Czechoslovakia after In that year, Soviet-led forces went into Czechoslovakia to depose Alexander Dubcek, the Communist leader who had become an apostate from Kremlin orthodoxy.

Brezhnev, defending the incursion, found his name associated with ''the Brezhnev Doctrine'' - that the Soviet Union had a right to enforce by arms its control in Eastern Europe. The bluntness of Mr. Brezhnev's interventions in Czechoslovak internal affairs was as much condemned then as the baldness of his doctrine.

Ranged against him were not only a large segment of public opinion in the West, but also dissenters within two major Communist parties in Western Europe. Both the French and the Italian parties rebuked Mr. Brezhnev, and their assertion of independence from Moscow developed into the separate line of Communist development known as Eurocommunism, though it also faded towards the end of his rule.

Despite the Czechoslovak episode, Mr. Brezhnev managed to maintain the cohesiveness of Eastern Europe, and only independent-minded Rumania was the odd man out in retaining cordial relations with China. But the cohesion among Moscow's allies in Eastern Europe came under strain - more even perhaps than occurred over Hungary in and Czechoslovakia in - as the rise of the Solidarity trade union movement in Poland in fostered a wide-ranging liberalization of Polish life that ended in December with the imposition of martial law. Chinese-Soviet Dispute.

With China, Mr.

Nikita Khrushchev - HISTORY

Brezhnev maintained strictly correct relations at the governmental level while hurling anathemas against the Peking leadership, both in the last decade of Mao Zedong's life and under Mao's successors. For a long time, the Chinese-Soviet dispute was both doctrinal and territorial, and it involved a struggle for hegemony over nationalist and revolutionary forces in the third world.

Soviet policy toward the Chinese fluctuated in response to changes in the situation. At first, Mr. Brezhnev made a number of efforts to convoke a congress of adherents to Moscow's version of Communism that would read China out of the world Communist movement, but he was unable to gather a sufficiently impressive alignment. This failure was ascribed partly to an underlying distaste among Communists, even in the Soviet Union, to a formal splitting of the Communist movement; partly to Peking's stature in strategic areas of the third world, and partly to hope among substantial segments of pro-Moscow Communists that the Soviet Union and China could ultimately be reconciled.

The confrontation never escalated to the point of war.

When China invaded Vietnam early in , Mr. Brezhnev duly warned Peking to halt its ''brazen bandit attack,'' but the statement was relatively subdued in tone. Tentative moves to improve relations betweeen the two countries followed; at the same time, Vietnam fell clearly into the Soviet sphere of influence.

Brezhnev's power within the Soviet Union derived from his position as the head of the ruling party rather than from his assumption of the nation's presidency - for the second time - in In the gradual loosening of the Soviet system of one-man rule, Mr. Brezhnev was not, however, the single dominant leader, as Lenin, Stalin and Khrushchev had been, and he sought, not always successfully, to reduce many of the trappings of ''the cult of personality'' that Stalin and then Khrushchev had nurtured.

Because Mr. Brezhnev's power was more circumscribed than that of his predecessors, he was obliged to come to terms with often competing interests. One of the groups that Mr. Brezhnev had to take into account was the military establishment. Like their counterparts in Western countries, Soviet military leaders tended to favor large budgets, impressive displays of weaponry and conservative mentalities. But the Soviet leader was never so much at odds with his ''militaryindustrial complex'' as some Western politicians and analysts thought and hoped.

In the slow-moving negotiations on the limitation of strategic arms, Mr. Brezhnev bargained carefully with American Presidents, constantly checking during the negotiations with other Politburo members, including the representatives of the military. He always seemed careful to move in tandem with the military on all significant policy issues. On the other hand, Mr. Brezhnev, by wheeling and dealing how was never made public , altered the complexion of the Politburo over the years so that he was able to accumulate a large measure of personal power without arousing his colleagues' fears of a return to one-man rule.

Shortly after the collective leadership was installed in , he neutralized Aleksandr N. Shelepin, an ambitious Politburo member, by shifting him from control of the security police to the trade union leadership. And in December , he persuaded Mr. Podgorny to yield a key party secretary's post to become chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, a ceremonial post equivalent to that of President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

Podgorny was to hold the presidency for 12 years until Mr.

Crises & Conflicts

Brezhnev himself assumed that post in addition to the party leadership. Subject to Scrutiny. In four new men, all Brezhnev supporters, were elected to the Politburo. And two years later he eased out Pyotr Y. Shelest and Gennadi I. Voronov, both considered opponents of detente. Despite this seeming majority in the Politburo, which was further consolidated in subsequent years, Mr. Brezhnev was subject to scrutiny on such matters as the performance of the economy, the size of the grain harvest, corruption in the party machinery and the development of Siberia.

In addition, of course, the detente policy was examined from time to time in terms of specific Soviet advantages, political and commercial. One of Mr. Brezhnev's dreams was to oversee the rapid development of Siberia with the aid of outside credits and technology. Blocked by United States reluctance to commit substantial capital to the venture, he turned increasingly to Western Europe and Japan for partners in Siberian development projects.

The ebullience Mr. Brezhnev displayed abroad or to foreign visitors was in contrast to his staid and conservative deportment in Soviet public life. There he was very much the Communist in the gray flannel suit, proper and formal and serious. The air he projected was one of realism, calmness and stability. He was not much in the public view, except on ceremonial occasions.

Nonetheless, there seemed to be a conscious effort to humanize him in official photographs that showed him, for example, in shirtsleeve talks with Chancellor Brandt of West Germany, greeting women factory workers in Yugoslavia with a kiss on the lips, hoisting up young children in Poland, or wearing dark glasses and an opennecked windbreaker and leaning against the gunwales of a yacht.

Brezhnev appeared to enjoy the limelight, he was careful to let a share fall on his principal colleagues.

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Both Mr. Kosygin and - while he was President - Mr. Podgorny journeyed abroad from time to time, and Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko, who was elevated to Politburo membership under Mr. Brezhnev, remained the principal Soviet spokesman abroad. Brezhnev's attitude toward expressions of dissent in the Soviet Union was firm. A number of intellectuals, artists and scientists opposed the Kremlin's ideological policies in whole or in part, and there was restiveness among Soviet youth. Outspoken dissidents in the Brezhnev years often found themselves committed to prison, mental institutions or deprived of their jobs.

Some were deported to the West, notably Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, the novelist. Those who remained, including Andrei D. Sakharov, were denounced as lacking in socialist consciousness, which meant a refusal to place their talents at the disposal of the ruling ideology. Describes His Views. Brezhnev described his views a couple of years ago: ''People who fall for self-publicity, ready to make a name for themselves not through work for the homeland but by any politically dubious means - and not disdaining to praise our ideological opponents - sometimes fall into their net.

The Soviet public harshly denounces the abominable deeds of these double-dealers. The country's enemies clutch with great tenacity at any manifestations of ieological immaturity or hesitation among the intellectuals. Brezhnev left the formulation of ideology to others, chiefly Mr. Suslov, the party ideologist and Politburo member whose close association with the party leader grew in the years after the ouster of Mr. Khrushchev in Brezhnev's speeches were often more pragmatic than ideological, although earlier he had studded his remarks with Marxist references to the decline and corruption of capitalism.

But he avoided the flourishes that were associated with Mr. Khrushchev, who once promised ''to bury capitalism. Brezhnev contend, as his predecessor did, that the Soviet Union would become a wonderland of material satisfactions while the United States and other capitalist societies were developing into wastelands for their citizens. Brezhnev and his colleagues displayed some uncertainties in handling Soviet public opinion, especially regarding Stalinism.

Whereas Mr. Khrushchev had pursued a clear-cut policy of de-Stalinization after denouncing Stalin's excesses in l, the Brezhnev group tempered the policy on the ground that it was undermining the authority and unity of the Communist system. The Stalin issue, with which the Soviet Union has not come fully to terms, was hushed up, but a nostalgia for some aspects of Stalin's rule was permitted to revive.

His leadership in World War II was occasionally mentioned; his face reappeared on movie screens; and his bust was mounted on his grave behind the Lenin Mausoleum in Red Square. The memory of Mr. Khrushchev was, on the contrary, long drowned in official silence. The anniversaries of his death were not noted, nor was his regime recalled in panegyrics. But Mr. Khrushchev some credit as an administrator of agricultural policy - although he also described him as having been petulant, stubborn and apt to use strong language.

When Mr. Brezhnev came to power after Mr. Khrushchev's ouster, his hold on the Communist party seemed a little uncertain at first. In recent years, however, he appeared to accept greater deference as due his position as both the nation's President and the party's chief. For Red Square parades, for instance, he usually mounted to the reviewing stand on the top of the Lenin Mausoleum ahead of other members of the Politburo. When the crowd applauded, he sometimes doffed his hat, waved and smiled in response. Kosygin and others looked at the throng but refrained from responding to its acclaim.

In contrast to the endless anecdotes illuminating Mr. Khrushchev's jaunty and unpredictable personality, little humor surrounded Mr. Brezhnev or his colleagues. But Soviet citizens quietly exchanged jokes about the Soviet leader, most of them unflattering. He rode around Moscow in a ZIL limousine, modeled after the Lincoln Continental, and he was often observed riding out of the Kremlin on a Sunday afternoon through crowds of visitors.

He was in the front seat beside the driver with only one security guard in the back and no escort vehicles. The crowd looked at him blankly, and he looked back in the same fashion. Some Earthy Amusements. Because of his position, he had a choice of good housing, but he continued to live in his old apartment on Kutuzov Prospekt.

In moments away from his office in the Kremlin, he seemed to enjoy earthy amusements and glad-handing. Once at a circus performance, women performers in scanty costumes presented him with bouquets of flowers. He thanked the first few with kisses. Then a few more. And then he made certain that those at the rear were not omitted, for they, too, received hearty, full-faced busses.

Finally, he donned his glasses and settled back to watch the performance, with the pleasure of one who finds a circus more entertaining than the ballet or an opera. Brezhnev's broad face with its dominating eyebrows often lost some of its impassivity at cocktail parties, in the days when he could down an impressive number of cognacs or straight vodkas.

In the last few years, though, he was under physicians' orders to cut down on drinking. Before he assumed the party leadership in and when he traveled abroad on good-will missions during a previous stint as President, he liked to unbend in toasts. On a visit to Iran in , after toasting a seemingly endless list of worthy objectives, he lifted his vodka glass to exclaim: ''Down with protocol! Long live freedom! In some private conversations he displayed a certain candor.

In , while talking with Glenn T. Seaborg, then chairman of the United States Atomic Energy Commission, he conceded that most Soviet buildings were hideous and suggested that the Soviet Union might profit by sending some of its young architects abroad to study. Brezhnev did not have much time for hobbies, he was known to enjoy hunting, swimming and watching soccer. He also collected antique watches and was an ardent ornithologist, reputed to have one of the finest collections of live birds in Moscow.

He had an interest in agriculture and land reclamation. Born in the Ukraine. Before his rise to eminence as Mr. Khrushchev's protege, Mr. Brezhnev was not conspicuous in Soviet life. Of Great Russian parentage, he was born Dec. His father was a steelworker. The boy began his working life at 15 in the local steel mill. Starting in , he went to school nights and was graduated four years later from a land survey and reclamation school in Kursk. In this period he joined the Komsomol, the Young Communist League, and at the age of 25 he was accepted as a member of the Communist Party.

At the same time he entered the steel engineering school in his hometown. He was graduated in and worked as an engineer for two years. You will receive a link to create a new password via email. Username or email. Reset password Go back. Henry Kissinger's appointment as Secretary of State, confirmed by Congress last September, was accompanied by a wave of publicity unprecedented in recent American history. Never before on similar occasions had there been such interest, so much comment for and against, and it was probably also the first time that the personality of a future Secretary of State had attracted several biographers even before he took office.

Kissinger had, of course, already played an important part for several years in the conduct of U. His name stood for secret missions, dramatic announcements, important new ventures. He was a friend of the media and a welcome guest at Washington parties. In the eyes of many, his initiatives were the one redeeming feature of an otherwise disastrous administration. But Kissinger's appointment provoked not only sympathetic comment; there were also attacks—from Left, Right, and Center. A writer in the Nation was struck by the resemblance between Kissinger and Joachim von Ribbentrop, the Nazi foreign minister.

Perhaps the world would be a better place if foreign policy were abolished altogether. Brave words, these, but he must have known that the search for a consensus would be an uphill struggle. Outside the foreign-affairs establishment and a small circle of experts, interest in world politics is strictly limited.

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Compared to those in Europe or Japan, the average American newspaper devotes very little space to foreign affairs, and there seems to be no great pressure for more information. It is no secret that most Senators and Congressmen speak with infinitely more authority on domestic affairs than about events outside America; the same, of course, is true with regard to other countries. Kissinger will endeavor to gain wider support for his policy in Congress and among the media.

One of the side effects of Kissinger's rise to eminence was a sudden revival of interest in Castlereagh and Metternich, triggered off by his book, A World Restored. Political commentators, not previously known for their expertise in the intricacies of early 19th-century European diplomacy, have been eagerly leafing through the pages of this book, expecting to find some useful leads—if not the master key—to Kissinger's grand design for the 's. Nowadays no article, and few columns, seem complete without a quotation or two about the Metternichian system or Bismarck's Real-politik.

Both Nixon and Kissinger have said that businessmen and lawyers, because of their training and background, are not ideally suited to dealing with foreign affairs. Whether historians and political scientists are any better prepared is a moot point. If lawyers tend to be nit-picking, preoccupied with legal complications and implications, the occupational disease of the historian is to consider essentially new situations in the light of previous experience, to ignore what is novel and unique in them.

The study of diplomacy does not necessarily produce great statesmen, just as the study of scientific discovery is only of limited help in achieving new breakthroughs in science. Kissinger's advantage over many of his colleagues was that he always concerned himself with events in the real world rather than theoretical abstractions; in addition, there was his ability to express himself in clear language.

Nikita Khrushchev: The Early Years

Beyond this, the study of his intellectual development as revealed in his early writings is of limited relevance to the understanding of his more recent activities. In the world of politics, as he sees it, one should be guided by a realistic approach rather than by ideological preconceptions, and certainly not by excessive expectations. Early on he accepted the fact that the number of options in any given situation is limited.

Throughout the 50's and 60's he was engaged in a running and, on the whole, sensible critique of the conduct of American foreign policy, faulting it not so much for being basically wrong as for being insufficiently subtle, for lacking an overall concept, and for failing in initiative. Sometimes he was clearly wrong—for example, in his assumption that the West had missed a unique opportunity to negotiate with the Russians in the late 40's, in his excessive admiration for de Gaulle, in his doctrine of limited nuclear war.

About the Soviet Union and its willingness to work for a stable world order, he had few illusions. Until July the full extent of Kissinger's role in the conduct of U. It was only when his meeting with Chou En-Lai was first announced, and particularly after his visits to Moscow and his negotiations with the Vietcong, that the limelight was focused on him. There was some criticism—Japan had been neglected and Europe not consulted—but on the whole there was much admiration for the vision, the persistence, the diplomatic skill and ingenuity which had been invested in what was generally acclaimed as a historic turn in world politics and not just a temporary improvement in the international climate such as had been witnessed many times since Since then there have been second thoughts on the extent and the significance of Kissinger's achievements, and a fortiori on his prospects in the years to come.

It was, I believe, Bismarck who said in his old age that the true measure of a statesman was whether a certain event would have taken place without him or not. But for Lenin the Russian revolution of would not have taken place; but for Weizmann there would have been no Balfour Declaration. Yet it seems fairly certain that American involvement in Vietnam would have come to an end with or without Kissinger, that there would have been a rapprochement of sorts with both the USSR and China, and that there would have been some kind of agreement with the Soviet Union on the limitation of strategic arms.

For the pressures to end the war in Vietnam had become overwhelming by , and the growing hostility between Peking and Moscow following the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia made it appear highly likely that both sides would look for closer relations with Washington. It was Kissinger's good fortune that he became the President's adviser at the very moment that America, despite Vietnam, had aquired greater freedom of maneuver than at any time since the end of the Second World War. Of Kissinger's achievements so far, his role in the negotiations to end the war in Vietnam are to be rated highest.

The facts surrounding the negotiations in Paris are known only in part. Granted that the whole operation was no more than a rearguard action, and that in historical perspective it may appear devoid of significance in determining the fate of Southeast Asia, it is difficult—given the violent domestic opposition to the war—to imagine what more could have been accomplished than a breathing spell of at least a few years for the South Vietnamese to enable them to stand on their own feet and defend themselves—or to be overrun by the North.

Again, the Sino-Soviet conflict helped in the last phase of the war, but one could easily think of considerably worse possibilities that might have occurred, of missed opportunities with the war dragging on and a unilateral American pull-out with all its inevitable psychological and political consequences. True, numbers did not greatly matter so long as Soviet missiles were not very accurate, but with rapid technological improvement, not to mention the application of MIRV, erasing the American advantage in warheads, the Soviet Union is moving from parity to potential superiority—while staying within the letter and spirit of the SALT agreement.

He sees as most useful the fact that the two sides engaged in a frank, open, nonpolitical dialogue on the weapons most vital to their security. But even this judgment may well be unduly optimistic. While frank and open dialogues are always welcome, it cannot be said with any confidence that the bargain was a good one from the American point of view or—since it may well be an obstacle to any further significant progress toward arms control—that it was in the interest of world peace. The Soviet strategists clearly do not share American ideas about parity and assured destruction; if they did, they would hardly engage in a costly build-up of their strategic forces.

Kissinger has argued that if U. But would this have been such a great loss, given the problematical character of the treaty? It is equally likely that if the Soviet leaders had been told unequivocally that America was firmly though regretfully resolved to match any Soviet strategic build-up, a more effective and far-reaching agreement might have been concluded two or three years later.

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All that can be said in defense of SALT I is that once the Soviet negotiators realized that the Americans had stopped building strategic weapons, that there was strong domestic resistance to matching the Soviet defense effort, that the Nixon administration was under growing political pressure to reach an agreement on offensive weaponry, the chances of a better agreement diminished considerably. The Soviet negotiators, in other words, were operating from a position of strength whereas Kissinger was batting, to use the English phrase, on a sticky wicket.

Salt I was the cornerstone of the coexistence declaration of May and the accord on avoiding atomic war signed in June The declarations published on these occasions stated that both sides proceeded from the common belief that in the nuclear age there is no alternative to peaceful coexistence, that they wished to base their relations on the principles of sovereignty, equality, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual advantage, and mutual restraints.

This was, of course, very good news, but in the last resort, it was not the wording but the spirit of the agreement which mattered, the relationship established between Nixon and Kissinger on the one hand and Brezhnev and his colleagues on the other.

Even the grain deal was held up at the beginning as an example of mutually advantageous relations; 3 doubts about this and other deals only began to creep in later. Was this how the Soviet leaders saw it as well? Nixon and Kissinger probably had few illusions on this score. The ideological differences would, of course, persist and so would the ultimate objectives of the other side.

No one could reasonably expect the Soviet leaders to give up their basic beliefs from one day to the next. Was it not likely, in other words, that if the status quo lasted long enough, the Soviet Union, too, would become a status-quo power—if indeed it had not become one already? Notwithstanding their sweeping declarations, Nixon and Kissinger must have known that there were no certainties in this respect; it is less clear whether they did not underrate the domestic consequences of their own declarations, the mood they were bound to engender.

There was no risk that Soviet senators would demand drastic reductions in the defense budget, the dissolution of the Warsaw pact, the closing of radio stations and other such relics of the cold war. Their accords, and even more so their rhetoric, provided grist to the mill of those who had maintained all along and who could now claim with much greater justification that the military confrontation was over and that there was a powerful convergence of vital Soviet and American national interests. Hence the obvious conclusion that the ruinously expensive military and political apparatus inherited from a bygone period could be safely dismantled.

The U. This was certainly not the only hurdle, but it was the most important by far.