City (The Pi Codex Book 1)

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Another great novel — more recent — is Life of Pi by Yann Martel. Pi is a teenage boy cast adrift with a tiger after a terrible shipwreck kills his family. Life of Pi is an exciting survival tale but also very dreamy, forcing the reader to decide how trustworthy Pi is as a narrator. This has long been a Powell's staff favorite. If your students are up for a challenge, Brian Doyle's new novel, The Plover , is a hilarious tale of a crotchety sea captain hoping for a solitary adventure but who instead finds himself sailing with a boatload of strange companions not all human.

Doyle's prose is modernist and dazzling: he plays with sentence structure, goes on tangents, and casually incorporates magic into the narrative. It's a very rich novel for teaching, but its difficulty is on par with To the Lighthouse though, honestly, the subject matter and characters are much more entertaining. Q: I'm trying to buy a book for a male friend of mine for our high school graduation.

He loves science, and he plans on majoring in engineering in the fall. He also loves history, but my fear with purchasing him a history book is that he may have already read it. Any recommendations? This illustrated book gives readers the basic principles of engineering and insight into how the engineering thought process works. It's the perfect combination of science and history! It's more about chemistry than engineering, but it's a wonderful, approachable book that any science fan will enjoy. Q: While both highly educated, due to their conservative leanings, my parents read almost exclusively young adult fiction.

However, they are very picky with what they will read I learned the hard way after I loaned my copies of the Thursday Next series to my mother and ironically enough got them back bowdlerized with whiteout tape. My most recent gifts were Every Man Dies Alone and Gilead , both of which went over very well, but I am low on ideas for what to gift next. Do you have any suggestions for well-written, literary fiction on the lighter side of things? Both are well written, and heartwarming without being insipid.

Your parents might also enjoy books by Jodi Picoult, who's really the modern master of popular, moral drama — for example, My Sister's Keeper , about a young girl raised to provide bone marrow for her leukemia-stricken elder sister. I wasn't very familiar with her story, but now I am very interested in learning more. I would like a book about Lizzie. Are there any historical fiction novels out there about her life, her lover the girl next door , and the murder?

A: Cherie Priest has a new series coming out called The Borden Dispatches, which you should definitely check out. The first book, Maplecroft , is available for preorder and will be in stores on September 2. It can be difficult to find copies of the most prized Lizzie Borden research books by Edward Radin and David Kent , respectively , but enthusiasts seem to like Frank Spiering's Lizzie. Q: I flew through Codex Alera and loved it. I got hooked on The Iron Druid Chronicles but am waiting for the next book. I stumbled upon and devoured Blades of the Old Empire again, waiting on the next book.

I am on the waiting list at the library for The Name of the Wind but am getting antsy for a good read. Can you suggest a series that isn't in fashion — an oldie but goodie, perhaps? Q: I just finished hate-reading the Lord of the Rings trilogy , and I need that bad taste out of my mouth. I wouldn't mind starting a new series, but I'm at a loss here. I want to read something epic. I've not read much fantasy, but I do kinda like it.

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A: In this case, the answer to everything is not It is Robin Hobb. Start with Assassin's Apprentice , the first book of the Farseer trilogy, and settle in for an epic reading adventure. George R. Martin is a fan of these books, and you'll soon see why. Assassin's Apprentice introduces Fitz, bastard son of a prince, gifted in many ways, but not especially lucky.

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This is some of the best fantasy writing out there, and I think it will knock your socks off. For something equally wonderful but completely different, try Barry Hughart's Bridge of Birds. Hughart manages to be funny and touching, and he tells a rollicking tale chock-full of Chinese mythology and culture. I love everything David Sedaris has written, but I have read it all. I thought Tina Fey's Bossypants would do the trick but was not impressed. Any recommendations on where I should head next? A more obscure book in the funny memoir field is Oedipus Wrecked by Kevin Keck, which would make many readers gasp and blush.

She loves books that are funny and light. What recommendations for authors do you have for her? A: Adriana Trigiani has a number of lighthearted and funny novels. She's done both series and stand-alone books. Her first novel and the first of a series is Big Stone Gap. Another author to consider is Alexander McCall Smith. He's best known for his series The No. He also has a series, 44 Scotland Street, in which he portrays daily life in an Edinburgh neighborhood in his native Scotland.

Try Bertie Plays the Blues. Q: Greetings! I'm an English teacher and we need new books for our juniors and seniors. We're looking for either fiction or literary nonfiction titles on themes of the American Dream, success, choices, overcoming hardships, poverty, relationships, family, and discovering what life has to offer. Added bonuses: world literature, books about other cultures, books not on SparkNotes. Any suggestions would be great! A: There are so many great novels on those themes! Here are a few of my favorites. Each woman — Rayona age 15 , her troubled mother Christine, and Ida Christine's taciturn grandmother — takes a turn as narrator.

The result is a realistic and beautifully rendered exploration of reservation life, minority status, the isolation and fears of adolescence, and the often trying centrality of family in forming one's identity. I read this wonderful book at 15 and it blew me away. It is, however, on SparkNotes. Now what? A: In case you've somehow managed to miss George R.

Three are available right now; more are promised. The first two are also available as graphic novels. If you haven't read the Gentleman Bastard series by Scott Lynch, you are in for a bawdy adventure full of wit, swordplay, and some of the finest dialogue ever written. Lynch continues to hone his considerable skill. Locke is a thief and a con artist whose wits may be sharper than his sword. Sprint to your nearest bookstore and start reading them immediately. Patrick Rothfuss spins a story full of humor, pathos, and characters you won't soon forget. Robin Hobb's Farseer , Liveship Traders , and Tawny Man series nine books total , set roughly in the same world, are magnificent and heartbreaking.

The Farseer series is a good place to begin with the tale of Fitz, the bastard son of a prince who is trained as an assassin. Hobb creates wonderfully rich characters and makes them suffer in numerous ways. The author's experience as a film editor serves him well here; he really understands how to tell a compelling story. I think my favorite book from last year's reading was Hakawati by Rabih Alameddine, but I can't yet say he's a favorite author, as I haven't read any other books by him.

Can you recommend any female authors who might appeal to a reader with my tastes? A: For a blend of surrealism, philosophy, pop culture, and mystery reminiscent of Murakami and Mitchell, and the kind of quirky but endearing protagonist you'll find in Chabon's work, try British novelist Scarlett Thomas.

Two of her most popular books are The End of Mr. Y and Our Tragic Universe. Check out Karen Russell's books. Her newest is Vampires in the Lemon Grove. Kelly Link's Magic for Beginners is also strange and wonderful. Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale is a classic. However, while the list gives the books as they are found in the manuscript, the list does not add up to 71 nor to 70 but to 66 books! This list does not double five books which are normally counted as two and which are in fact divided into two books in the text of the manuscript : Samuel, Malachim, Paralympomenon, Ezra and Peter.

We can arrive at 71 by including those five doubles. The books then correspond to the 71 items of St. Augustine's list but in Cassiodorus' antiqua translatio order. In two of his three Biblical lists in the Institutiones, Cassiodorus must add one to the actual number of books in the lists to arrive at an appropriately mystical number Here the Northumbrians use the arrangement of the antiqua translatio made up of the mystical number 70 and increase it by one to get their actual total of 71 books. While Cassiodorus glosses over the real differences between his lists by highlighting the symbolic meaning of the different of books in his different lists, the Northumbrians actually demonstrate a harmony emerging from their use of the divergent teachings of the fathers, the final point of their prologue.

The books in the manuscript are grouped in Cassiodorus' order for the antiqua translatio, include all the books of St. Augustine's list and are given in St. Jerome's Vulgate text. The order of the books as found in the Amiatinus has been the source of another supposition. The Vulgate text of the Amiatinus meant that it could not have been copied from the Grandior.

The consistently excellent text of the Amiatinus led scholars to search for the excellent exemplar which had come to Northumbria.

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This supposition has now been generally discounted as textual work has revealed the many. But the theory was a part of the larger question. What was the source for the pages in the first quire of the Amiatinus which have no literary evidence for an origin in the Grandior? Surprisingly it has been the general tendency of scholars to import more Cassiodorian Bibles into Northumbria and the nouem codices has been the favourite despite the fact that we know that Biscop and Ceolfrid brought many books and paintings from Italy.

There is a last section of fol. Beneath the lists of books are four verses on St. The first three lines are quoted from Isidore of Seville 44 :. As Cassiodorus died some time before Isidore composed these lines, we have here verses which could not possibly have stood in the Grandior. The verses would not be out of place in any library which customarily adds new books to the old. The Northumbrians were able and willing to modify their sources for their own purposes. It includes material composed after the death of Cassiodorus.

The likelihood that the list was copied from elsewhere is very remote. The assumption must be that the Table of Contents fol. The design of the. Prologue and Table of Contents pages fol. The sets of columns on both sides of fol. Julian Brown points to a similarity of the thick twists within the columns on fol.

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The well-known painting of Ezra stands on fol. Having assumed that the entire quire was removed from the Codex Grandior or that it was copied directly from the Codex Grandior the first commentators assumed that this picture likewise was a Cassio- dorian product. Early on it was also accepted that while the picture purports to be Ezra it was in fact a portrait of Cassiodorus.

It was pointed out that the armarium with the nine volumes with the abbreviations of nine divisions of Sacred Scripture Old and New Testament well fits a portrait of Cassiodorus but is anachronistic for Ezra, the Old Testament prophet and scribe. The picture has been described as correcting the Codex Grandior against his Vulgate Codex Minutior on the floor , while his nouem codices are in their place in the armarium.

Pierre Courcelle felt the picture would have made a better frontispiece for the nouem codices. To see this as a Vivarian portrait of Cassiodorus we must assume that the old scholar, withdrawn to his monkish retreat, would have wanted his own portrait to have taken a dramatic place in one of his Bibles and that he would have drawn a parallel between himself and an Old Testament author The point which has occupied scholars about the Cassiodorian origin of this page, however, is the names and the order of the books in the bookcase behind the seated figure At first the nine volumes remind us of the nouem codices as described in the Institutiones.

The list of books is not in Cassiodorus' order as found in the Institutiones, nor are the names and divisions the same as those found in the Institutiones, nor are the abbreviations of the names of the divisions those which Cassiodorus invented and. The order and titles of the books in the. I, SAL. If Cassiodorus had ordered this as a portrait of himself among his Bibles or if it were done by his artists as a reverent compliment to their spiritual father, it is strange that the nouem codices should evince such discrepancies, especially if this were the frontispiece of the nouem codices!

Here we may ask if it were strange for Cassiodorus to have had himself portrayed as Ezra, what would have been the eighth-century Northumbrian sentiment? Bede, in his In Esdram et Neemiam, comments,. Possumus sane personam Ezrae non solum ad dominum Christum sed etiam ad aliquem praesu- lem siue doctorerri ecclesiae figuraliter referre Bede testifies as well to the Northumbrians' use of pictorial typology in the Vita beatorum abbatum when he describes how paintings of Biblical subjects brought back from Rome were juxtaposed to contrast a New Testament scene with its Old Testament type However the idea of depicting these nine volumes in the armarium originated, major artistic parallels to the Ezra page have long been recognized and must be reevaluated.

The seated figure and his furniture are directly modeled on familiar types. Ezra is the classical philosopher slowly metamorphosed into the Evangelist. Ezra's posture, the position of the book and hands, and the odd five-legged table with the red ancj black ink are found in exact detail in a long series of evangelist portraits which derive from classical originals.

The armarium is but slightly modified from a type seen in a Ravenna mosaic in the tomb of Galla Placidia Whoever painted this page used the familiar artist's vocabulary for his scribe, and the vocabulary scarcely changed with the Calabrian or Northumbrian equally well had access to these models. We know that besides books some presumably with illustrations , many paintings were brought north by Biscop in his Romanization of the outposts of Christianity Most importantly the Ezra figure is duplicated in the St.

Matthew of the Lindisfarne Gospels. Ezra and the Lindisfarne evangelist are stylistically quite opposite, classical versus Anglo-Saxon, but the model is assuredly the same. The identical positioning of the bodies, especially the difficult extremities, clearly proclaims that both artists had the same model.

More detailed similarities between the two paintings have recently been discovered by the study of traces of underdrawing in the Amiatinus which has been revealed where the paint has flaked away. We can now see that the picture was first drawn on the parchment and then painted. The now-revealed underdrawing shows that the Amiatinus painter ignored details of the drawing of the chair legs and the hem of Ezra's garment, details which are clearly represented in the Lindisfarne painting These points not only reinforce the certainty of the two paintings' dependence on the same model, but also prove that the Lindisfarne St.

Matthew could not have been copied from the Amiatinus Ezra. The Amiatinus painting cannot be based on the St. Matthew since that page does not include the five-legged table which in the ensemble.

Grave Mistake

Thus, it is clear that the two artists were copying a third page. If a similar page were found in the Grandior, either as Ezra or as a simple portrait of Cassiodorus without the Old Testament trappings, it was there as a modification of a common evangelist portrait. We must assume that the Lindisfarne artist hit upon the picture as a good model for St. If the Lindisfarne artist instead copied an evangelist. Eadfrith, the Lindisfarne painter, made his model acceptably Anglo-Saxon in style while the Amiatinus artist made the same picture into his Ezra figure by the addition of the Jewish symbols and the armarium.

The real differences are to be found in the stylized drapery, the hallmark of its age, and the furniture. If we compare the Copenhagen Luke the only other surviving evangelist in the Copenhagen manuscript with the Lindisfarne Luke we find that the furniture is quite different in this portrait as well. A general comparison of the four Lindisfarne and two Copenhagen portraits shows that the artist did not limit himself to copying one picture for each of his evangelists but rather mixed furniture and bodies from more than one of the Lindisfarne portraits for his results.

The relationships between the prototype evangelist portraits and the and Copenhagen Matthews, and the Amiatinus Ezra are far more easily explained and more likely if we assign to Northumbria the original transformation of the into Ezra. The most recent discussion of the Ezra page has been presented by the art historian Per Jonas Nordhagen, whose special field of expertise is the development and influence of Byzantine art in the seventh century.

Nordhagen points to similarities of peculiar characteristics of the Ezra elongated body, softened and curved outline, ambiguous colour modelling with. Demetrius in Salonica ca. Catherine in Sinai, 7th c. He posits these similarities to be the hallmarks of a Byzantine school of painting prominent throughout the sphere of Byzantine influence at that time and that a Byzantine painter at Ceolfrid's scriptorium produced Ezra!

Although Nordhagen's evidence for a Greek master in Northumbria is uncomfortably slight, even if it were convincing, it addresses neither Bruce-Mitford's multiple models nor the simple copy theory. Byzantine or Northumbrian, the artist did not paint a new scene but copied the components of the Ezra painting from familiar models.

His genius was to draw on diverse sources to form a harmonious and meaningful new composition Why then should the Northumbrians have created this picture of Ezra? They their Bible on what Cassiodorus wrote and recommended. Cassiodorus had a picture of the Tabernacle and another of the The mystical significance of the Temple is ultimately very similar to that of the Tabernacle. Diagrams of both edifices would have been typologically repetitious for the Northumbrians We may form a clear idea of how these topics were treated in early 8th century Northumbria by studying Bede's works, De templo, De tabernaculo, and In Ezra et Neemiah.

We see that the figure of Ezra while connected with the Temple, offered symbolically more than the Temple alone as a pictorial introduction to the whole of Scripture. Verum quia templo incenso atque urbe Hierosolima subuersa scripturae quoque sanctae quae ibidem seruabantur simul fuerant hostili clade perustae et has miserante domino atque ad suum populum reuerso reparaui oportebat ut quia aedificia eruta restaurauerant haberent unde ipsi ammoniti restaurari intus in fide et dilectione sui creatoris discerent Note here the words in italics which are found in the couplet above the Ezra portrait.

Scriba autem uelox in lege Moysi appellatur Ezras eo quod legem quae erat consumpta reficeret non solum legem sed etiam ut communis maiorum fama est omnem sacrae scripturae seriem quae pariter igni consumpta est prout sibi uidebatur legentibus sufficere rescripsit Ezra's portrait at the beginning of the Old Testament is the type of the Christ in Majesty before the New Testament Who is holding a copy of the Scriptures which He has fulfilled.

What better artistic model would there be for a scribe of Sacred Scripture than that of an Evangelist? Ezra's role in the reestablishment of the Temple in makes him an apposite substitute for the diagram of the Temple. That Ezra saved the Holy Scriptures with their prophecies of Christ makes it proper for him to be seated before the whole of the Bible including the New Testament.

It is unlikely that Bede, the great scholar of the Scriptures at Wearmouth, did not have a part in the design of the three great Bibles at the twin monasteries. Certainly his works elucidate the significance that these pages held for the Northumbrians. To summarize : Cassiodorus makes no mention of a portrait of Ezra. The hybris of Cassiodorus picturing himself as Ezra lacks Christian humility and the forthrightness of a Roman statesman.

The foundation at Wearmouth was well stocked with classical pictorial models. A Northumbrian scribe making more or less of a reference to or of the nouem codices can more easily be forgiven the misplacing and the reti- tling of the books in the armarium than his counterpart at Vivarium with Cassiodorus himself at his elbow. The evidence favours a Northumbrian origin for the idea of this page, based on at least three different classical models to create the scribe in front of the armarium with the attributes of a Jewish priest Finally Bede's works explain why we may see this picture as an appropriate substitute for a diagram of the Temple and as a preface to the Old Testament, ideas not found in Cassiodorus' works.

We may conclude this section with a note on the possible use of Ceolfrid's pandects. As the script of the two verses is contempo-. Bede's echo of the wording of the couplet indicates that he knew it a decade after the Amiatinus left Wearmouth. Since the Amiatinus in Italy was far from Alcuin' s favourite study resources in Northern England we have here a small indication that the Amiatinus' twin sister manuscripts which remained in Northumbria may have included the same prefatory matter as did the Amiatinus itself, including a striking portrait of Ezra which made the accompanying couplet the more memorable.

The rest of Alcuin's poem includes material that is also reminiscent of the Amiatinus. Lines give Alcuin's version of the number of books in the Bible and its mystical meaning just as is found in the Amiatinus Prologue and with each of the three divisions of scripture in the Amiatinus. De quibus et nulli iam dubitare licet. In Christi nobis numerus uenerabilis iste.

Mistice discipulis namque sacratus adest It is clear that Alcuin is speaking of a pandect and he uses both the words corpus and codex in the verse :. Continet iste uno sancto sub corpore codex Hie simul hos totos, munera magna dei Not only is Alcuin's Bible here a pandect but unlike Alcuin's own Bibles with their efficient new Carolingian punctuation, it is a pandect written per cola et commata :. Quisque legat huius sacrato in corpore libri,.

Lector in ecclesia, uerba superna dei, Distinguens sensus, titulos, cola, commata uoce It is also unlike the Codex Grandior which, with its litteris clarioribus, still fit into a third fewer folios vs than the Codex Amiatinus and was unlikely to have been written per cola et commata Finally Alcuin described the furniture of the Tabernacle with a special gusto in his litany of the Biblical books. Condere praecipiens atria sancta deo, Cum mensis, uasis, tabulis simul atque lucernis,. Sanctaque sanctorum, quo fuit area dei If we were willing to see in this emphasis Alcuin's memory of a prominent illumination of the Tabernacle, may we also infer from Alcuin's silence the absence of any similar illumination of the Temple?

Alcuin concludes the poem with the two lines found in the Amiatinus making Ezra figuratively responsible for all of Sacred Scripture, echoing the pictorial representation of the prophet in front of both the Old and New Testaments in the Amiatinus. Codicibus sacris hostili clade perustis. Ezra deo feruens hoc reparauit opus. Hoc opus, hoc etenim flammis te subtrahit atris. The sum of these similarities is too striking to be mere coincidence.

The next page is fol. Cassiodorus presents his three lists in chapters 12, 13 and 14 of the first book of the Institutiones as if they were three well known and equally prestigious divisions of Sacred Scripture. In fact these are but three of many lists which have come down to us from the Patristic period and which differ among themselves in the spelling, names, content, number, and grouping of the individual books of the Bible. Cassiodorus points out a symbolic meaning for the total number of books in each of his lists.

While his sources commonly mention the correspondence between the number of 22 books in the Old Testament and the 22 letters of the Hebrew alphabet, Cassiodorus is alone in his insistence on a symbolic meaning for the number of books in the Old and the New Testaments when taken together. Cassiodorus may not have originated the idea but he is not quoting Jerome or Augustine when he counts 49 and 71 books in their lists and attributes a mystical significance to the proximate numbers 50 and In fact, we do not know Cassiodorus' source for either the New Testament section of his Jerome list or for the antiqua translatio list.

The antiqua translatio list is not one of the many lists which have come down to us from the authors to whom he refers in chapter 14, i. None of their extant lists add up to 70 books and all of them omit five books which includes in his antiqua translatio list. Only our list from Rufinus even includes a New Testament section 76! Twice in the Institutiones Cassiodorus indicates that 71 was.

In this very basic work Cassiodorus did not dwell on the problems associated with the canon or highlight any books omitted from any of the lists. Cassiodorus' main concern is with the groupings of the books and not with the books of Scripture ; and that a study of his three groupings leads to their clarifying one another. Cassiodorus imposes his ideas of the groupings of the books of the Bible as well onto both Jerome and Augustine who neither count nor systematize the categories i.

Indicatively, it is just these categories which are the visual focus of the lists as they are diagrammed in the Institutiones. One is hard put to count 49 items in Jerome's list but the reader notes at a glance that the books are divided into seven categories, while Augustine's list is divided into six and the antiqua translatio into only two. The Northumbrians are clear that disparities in the canon exist and they make sure that their lists reflect the situation.

Even though the lists in the Amiatinus follow the layout of the lists in the Institutiones, the texts of the lists in the Codex Amiatinus diverge in every case from the texts which Cassiodorus gives in the Institutiones. And it is the Amiatinus which most closely to the sources of the lists which have been identified. The double checked the sources of their Cassiodorian text, which, like ours, was clearly deficient. Up to this point any edition of the Institutiones has been sufficient for our purposes but here we must be especially cautious to reconstruct as closely as possible what originally wrote.

Two articles printed in attempted to control the printed editions by using a selection of manuscripts for these chapters. White used the four London manuscripts and was able to delete a few interpolations This manuscript is important not only for its text but also because it preserves what might be the original layout of the text with a series of thirty-seven complex diagrams. Mynors' critical edition of , while based on a careful analysis of the Bambergensis and the other early Institutiones manuscripts, is not entirely accurate in reporting the variants of the lists.

Hence we will use the textual and artistic evidence of the to supplement Mynors' edition Cassiodorus uses the list from the Prologus galeatus for Jerome's list of books from the Old Testament. Although the list as it stands in the Institutiones may be counted as forty-nine books it does not properly report Jerome's list since both Malachim Kings III and IV and Daniel are left out. The Amiatinus is correct, and not by guesswork, since it puts Daniel after Cantica Canticorum, its unusual location in the Galeatus list.

Ecclesiastes in the Amiatinus is correct not the Deuterocanonical Ecclesiasticum which Mynors prints Augustine's list is taken from De doctrina Christiana. The Institutiones manuscripts unanimously reverse Augustine's order of the prophets putting the four major ahead of the twelve minor. The Amiatinus correctly follows Augustine's order of minor prophets before major prophets.

Mynors' apparatus omits any mention of the fact that many of the best manuscripts, including the Codex Bambergensis, read Ezra I instead of Ezra II. The Amiatinus again has the correct Ezra II In the antiqua translatio division of scripture there is an obvious slip in the : Psalteri. Sapientiae where Solomon must be added to introduce the five books attributed to him. The Amiatinus has Psalmorum lib. Salom lib V id est Prouerbia Sapientiae etc.

This latter reading is very attractive since counting the Psalms as five books, a practice mentioned by many authors, satisfies the paleographer with a simple homeoteleuton while making up the requisite seventy books for the list. Mynors prints this reading although no manuscript of the has these words Zahn, a scholar of the history of the canon, rejected the Psalmorum lib V Salom lib V as a possible correct reading.

He claimed that the four missing books from the Biblical list should be sought in the New Testament. Although no manuscript of the Institutiones modifies the wording of Petri ad Gentes and Iohannis ad Parthos which seems to indicate only one epistle each for Peter and John Zahn believed that those words should be interpreted to include Peter II and John II and III which were always considered to be canonical. He arrived at the number Zahn pointed out that the resulting list counting one book of Psalms with only Jude missing from the New Testament corresponds to the 44 Old Testament and 26 New Testament books Cassiodorus had in his Septuagint bible, the Codex Grandior Zahn's interpretation is supported by the manuscripts since, aside from the Bambergen- sis and two of its closest relatives, all the manuscripts of the Institutiones clearly only one book of Psalms.

The manuscripts are divided between including either Ephesians or Hebrews or both in the New Testament. What should we conclude from this? The authors of the Amiatinus copied their lists from Cassiodorus but they corrected them against their sources. They, and indeed we, have been unable to discover Cassiodorus' source for his antiqua translatio list. Below each list in the Amiatinus is a rectangular box enclosing the information on the origin of the list and the mystical significance of the number.

Codex Cospi

The comment below Jerome's list is a condensation of Cassiodorus' very words on the subject in the. Sic fiunt ueteris nouique testamenti secundum Hieronymum libri quadraginta nouem quibus adde dominum Christum de quo et per quern ista conscripta sunt. Institutiones :. Huic etiam adiecti sunt noui Testamenti libri uiginti septem ; qui colliguntur simul quadraginta nouem. The only difference is that the Amiatinus adds Dominus Christus rather than Trinitas as the extra integer to make up a mystical 50 from Jerome's Beneath Augustine's list, Cassiodorus' comments from the Institutiones are condensed and then added to.

Sic fiunt ueteris nouique testamenti sicut pater Augustinus in libris De Doctrina Christiana complexus est simul libri numerus LXXII quibus adde unitatem diuinam per quam ista sunt. Fit totius librae competens et gloriosa perfectio.

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Ipsa est enim rerum conditrix et uitalis omnium plenitudo uirtutum. Beatus igitur Augustinus secundum praefatos nouem codices, quos sancta meditatur Ecclesia, secundo libro De Doctrina Christiana Scripturas diuinas LXXI librorum calculo comprehendit ; quibus cum sanctae Trinitatis addideris unitatem, fit totius librae competens et gloriosa Here the Amiatinus tag line is not found in Cassiodorus and while appropriate as a comment on the Divine Unity it is a non-sequitur in reference to the number Leslie Webber Jones' hypothesis that 72 represents the number of the translators of the Septu- agint is clearly improbable when Cassiodorus gives the number as 70 translators in the next paragraph Zahn among others explains that 72 represents the number of pieces into which a pound of gold was divided in antiquity and that the phrase a pound of something meant 72 of it in common parlance.


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Cassiodorus, the Roman was very fond of this particular metaphor It was neither mystical nor for the Northumbrians. Indeed, it is probable that, like Jones, they did not the reference. The box below the vetus Latina list has excited the most interest. Where Cassiodorus in the Institutiones mentions that Hilary of Poitiers, Rufinus of Aquileia, Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, and the councils of Nicea and Chalcedon had different organizations of the material of the antiqua translatio, in the Amiatinus the division is specifically attributed to Hilarus, bishop of Rome, and Epiphanius of Cyprus.

Sic fiunt ueteris nouique testamenti sicut diuidit sanctus Hilar[i]us Romanae urbis Antistes et Epiphanius Cyprius quern latino fecimus sermone transferri libri LXX. In illo palmarum fortasse praesagati quas in mansione Helim inuenit populus Hebreorum. Of the sources mentioned in the Institutiones, no list of the books of Scripture has survived from Nicaea or Chalcedon or from Pope Hilarus. On the other hand, as De Bruyne points out, we have lists of Hilary of Poitiers, Rufinus of Aquileia and Epiphanius of Cyprus, none of which correspond to one another or to our list at hand The Institutiones says that they all had lists divided differently like the material of the Gospels.

The Amiatinus says something quite different. Just as it said Jerome's list was that of Jerome and Augustine's list that of Augustine as found in De doctrina Christiana, the Amiatinus says that the third list is the list of Pope Hilarus and Epiphanius. We know that it is not any one of the three lists of Epiphanius which have come down to us, and that throws further doubt on a hypothetical list of Pope Hilarus. The Institutiones and the Amiatinus differ dramatically here. The similarity of Pope Hilary and Hilary of Poitiers suggests emendation or error rather than independent material.

The words are direct quotes from the Institutiones, but what was mentioned as having been translated of Epiphanius' in the Institutiones had nothing to do with his biblical lists Theodor Zahn who, to my knowledge, is the only scholar to claim the Institutiones and not the Grandior as the model for these lists, rests his arguments on the impossibility of the differences between the two lists originating as mistakes in Viva-.

Certainly Cassiodorus did not write both these statements. However, the Northumbrians reading the Institutiones and trying to parallel their Jerome and Augustine boxes with as equally pithy a summary for the antiqua translatio must have misunderstood Cassiodorus' meaning, construing the three divisions of scripture to be the subject of the end as well as the beginning of this paragraph.

Their inability to double check this list then kept them from clarifying their mistake. The Northumbrians were easily able to emend the first two lists since they had the sources. Bede refers to De doctrina Christiana, albeit infrequently It is unlikely that the Northumbrians knew the writings of the Greek Epiphanius of Cyprus or the minor works of Rufinus of Aquileia. It was clear to the Northumbrians that the list in the antiqua translatio text of the Institutiones, like Jerome's and Augustine's, was deficient since it did not add up to 70 books.

Did they, before Chapman, consider Pictaviensis the lectio facilior and emend that too 96? The resulting list did have 70 books and did not contradict the only fact they could corroborate which was that Hilary of Poitiers did not write this third list. The Northumbrians without an independent source created a set of failed emendations which were not self-contradictory nor, as far as they knew, incorrect ; or with uncharacteristic sloppiness, the Northumbrians misunderstood, mis- copied, or misinterpreted their Cassiodorian source.

A third and most interesting aspect of the three lists lies in the pictorial of the material. The three diagrams in the Bambergensis are with one exception the New Testament of the Augustine list set up so that they resemble banners of writing floating beneath their short horizontal staves which in turn are suspended from points indicating the Old and New Testaments See PL The Amiatine lists are presented with a to-.

Each list is enclosed within carefully coloured double lines forming accurately drawn crosses, diamonds and tapered ovals. Colour and balance combine with the neat shapes to form artistic ensembles of these pages, imposing form on the otherwise formless texts of greatly divergent lengths. Courcelle pointed out the similarity in the striking motif of the cross shaped enclosures of the New Testament in the two versions.

The similarity rules out independent artistic inspiration and again confirms that the Northumbrians' manuscript of the Institutiones was a very close relative of the Bambergensis However, this motif was used very differently for two different lists. The Bambergensis used it to enclose in an unbalanced way the Augustinian four-fold division of the New Testament with the Gospels in the left cross bar, the epistles in the long shaft, and the Acts and the Apocalypse dividing the right cross bar.

The Amiatinus uses the motif in a visually elegant and theologically apt design for the antiqua translatio page in which two simple crosses enclose the two-fold division of Old and New Testament the books of the Old Testament foreshadowing the message of Christ and those of the New Testament fulfilling the prophecies of the Old in two crosses of equal size.

Another divergence is seen in the roundels from which the diagrams hang as from the fulcrum of a scale. In the Amiatinus the roundels enclose figures, which refer to the Trinity: a man's head on the Septuagint page see PL 1 , a lamb on the Jerome page, and a dove on the Augustine page ". A verse at the top of the Augustine page that this was not just a dove but the Holy Spirit and summarizes the theme of the Prologue.

Eloquium domini quaecumque uolumina pandunt Spiritus hoc sancto fudit ab ore deus. In the Bambergensis two of the roundels enclose abstract designs, a rudimentary interlace on the Augustine diagram See PL 3 , a cross hatching for Jerome's diagram See PL 2 , and the Septuagint books hang from the arms of an interlace filled cross See PL 4. But later in the Codex Bambergensis, and in many of its relatives, we find the figures of the Amiatinus roundels supporting other diagrams!

A dove, the twin of the Amiatinus, appears on folio 45r of the Codex Bambergensis, supporting the diagram of. A lamb, long-tailed and with his four legs placed in the same position as his Northumbrian cousin supports the five divisions of Porphyry's Isagoges on fol. The three figures are almost consecutive in the Bam- bergehsis, only a chalice on fol. The same figure in St. Gall p. Even in the Bambergensis type the occurrence of the three figures so closely together might easily suggest the idea of the Trinity to an artist looking for models.

It is inconceivable that the same scriptorium in Vivarium which produced the of the Institutiones manuscripts also produced lists in the Grandior with the artistic restraint and theological nuance we see in the Amiatinus. In these lists the manipulated artistic ideas from the Institutiones as a starting point for these striking designs. The variety and opulence of the Institutiones diagrams do not translate into a deeper understanding of the text. The Northumbrians physically couched their lists in symbolically meaningful formats. The spare elegance of the three lists in the Amiatinus is an artistic reflection of the astute care that the Northumbrians brought to the content and layout of the entire volume.

The remaining page of the first quire of the Amiatinus is fol. It consists of five roundels arranged in a cross shape within a large purple circle on an orange painted page. Each roundel a sentence by Jerome on one of the five books of the Pentateuch. A similar page is not mentioned by Cassiodorus. The fact that the texts are quoted from St. Jerome makes it more likely that they would precede Jerome's Vulgate rather than the revised Hexaplar as in the Grandior. It has been suggested that this page along with the Ezra page came from the nouem codices which perhaps used Jerome's Vulgate translation of the Bible That the first of the nouem codices was the Octateuch not the Pentateuch makes that supposition less attractive.

A frontispiece diagram to the Octateuch could easily have continued quoting the letter to Paulinus for the next three books. In any case the Northumbrians knew the letter well and used it in various contexts. In the Amiatinus further sections. The Hiero- nymian text of the page has made commentators wary of claiming this page as a copy from the Grandior.

The identification of the unity of the Pentateuch in this page would argue strongly against it being a frontispiece for an Octateuch. A reader of the lnstitu- tiones would have been guided to Jerome's pithy comments on the contents of each of the books of the Bible. Neither the Institutiones nor the Amiatinus however, used the letter as a source for the list of Jerome's order of the books of the Bible. Thus far I have assumed that the Northumbrians had access to a copy of the Courcelle claimed, I think correctly, that Bede knew the work on the basis of the similarity of a long passage in Bede's Epistula ad Accam with the opening four of the Institutiones However, the fact that Bede does not refer to the work in numerous places where Cassiodorus touches on similar topics has led to the general assumption that the Northumbrians did not have a copy of the Institutiones Let us briefly summarize what we have said assuming that Ceolfrid and his artists were only from the Grandior for all of their Cassiodorian material and review what material could have originated as a direct copy of the Grandior and what most likely or necessarily came from other sources.

The Prologue may stand as a direct copy or modification of a Grandior Prologue. The Dedication, of course, and the Table of Contents with its lines quoted from Isidore show how the Northumbrians could package and organize their own material into borrowed classical formats. The Tabernacle bifolium could take its idea from the diagram inspired by the blind Eusebius. The insular symptoms noted by E. The Ezra page without the Institutiones must have taken its bookcase from a Cassiodorian painting as there is no other known literary mention of the nouem codices.

To accept the Amiatinus Ezra as a copy of the Grandior we must accept the strange artistic fate that made a Calabrian artist transform an evangelist into Ezra or and inspire Eadfrith to transform Ezra or Cassiodorus back into the very same evangelist. To avoid that historically dubious coincidence we could suggest that the Vivarian artist added the bookcase to his Matthew portrait in the. Codex Grandior. Those who wish to may still claim to see the old scholar's features in the busy figure. The Northumbrians would have then added only the Jewish symbols and the verses at the top of the page.

If the Pentateuch circles page were copied from a Cassiodorian book our surprise that Jerome's useful summaries were found in the Grandior is hardly great enough to require the presence of the Octateuch from the nouem codices or the Vulgate Codex Minutior in Northumbria. It is more likely that Jerome's excerpts were assembled as a preface to the Codex Amiatinus' Vulgate text than that it was copied from a preface of the revised Hexaplar of the Grandior. The Northumbrians knew and used the entire letter. The visual and textual development of the three lists indicates that if the Grandior looked like the Codex Amiatinus and not more like the Codex Bambergensis , the Institutiones lists had to have been adapted to more artistically apt designs for the Grandior before the original accurate but indifferently designed Institutiones lists went on to be copied poorly in the fair archetype which was to be recopied, disseminated and studied.

The rectangular boxes beneath the Amiatinus lists would show that summaries of parts of the Institutiones text must have accompanied the Grandior lists. The between the comments on the antiqua translatio page of the Amiatinus and the text of the Institutiones prove that the texts within the boxes could not have originated in Vivarium. Thus, the antiqua translatio section of a hypothetical Grandior must have been quite extensive and as open to misinterpretation as the Institutiones over the explanation that the third list was a list like those of Hilar i us, Rufinus, Epiphanius etc.